Analysis N.Sparks True Believer Essay Example

Analysis N.Sparks True Believer Essay Example Analysis N.Sparks True Believer Essay Analysis N.Sparks True Believer Essay Dariya Glazova, group 402 Nicholas Sparks  «True Believer » The text under stylistic analysis presents the excerpt from the novel  «True believer » written by Nicholas Sparks. In this passage the author touches upon the issue of generation gap. He contrasts the grandmother, Doris McClellan, with her grandchild, Lexie. It is known that the adults like to teach their children how they should live their life and Doris isn’t exception. From the very beginning the reader can guess that the granny and her granddaughter are polarities. The author employs the parallel construction  «For Doris, the reason was †¦ For Lexie, the reason was†¦Ã‚ » to enhance this idea. Also we can see that the relationship between these two women are very close because even Lexie is angry with her granny’s interference in her life she loves her with her whole heart. To show that the grandmother’s existence is full of taking care of her lovely treasure the author uses the following choice of word: she meant no harm, frequently wondered aloud, all of her hemming and hawing and such like things. Among the other problems of society Nicholas Sparks raises the question of crisis of women of thirty years in this extract. He draws the reader’s attention to the fact that at her thirties Lexie  «hadn’t settled yet » and she is still in the search of her knight in shining armour. This special kind of her happiness, on the other hand she wants to meet the right guy as every normal girl or woman, is described by the author in the only one masterfully collected word  «her man » and this idea is also strengthened by the graphical expressive mean- the italics of the possessive pronoun her. The powerful effect produced by these stylistic devices is quite unquestionable. But she wants not only to be with the right guy but she wants the only one man who possible never has existed in the real world because he is a figment of her imagination which is created by herself according to the glamorous magazines overstuffed her library. This idea manifests itself through such demands to her chosen one as  «both sensitive and kind, at the same time sweet her off her feet, offer to rub her feet after a long day, challenge her intellectually, buy her flowers for no reason ». Furthermore Sparks draws the parallel between the past and the present which are embodied by main characters. Here we can see that the writer depicts the moral principles of women of the past and the representatives of the gentle sex of modern world. With having a keen eye for details the author claims that in the past women married men who were  «decent, with some principles and had a good job » but modern daughters of Eve want to feel passion for somebody as well and it is not easy for them to get married and find someone special in the whole world. The author’s object in employing the antithesis is quite evident because he enhances the desired effect with the help of this stylistic device. To the conclusion I’d like to wish all the women to find their partner in life but don’t have allusion about your eligible bachelor because everybody architects of his own fortune and also I completely agree with Nicholas Sparks that the excitement alive in the relationship is mostly up to the woman. if I’m wrong, correct me.

The Matrix

The Matrix The Matrix A Pop Culture Fusion of Western Literature Literary Masterpieces ? Professor Hirschberg ? 12/6/00 Initially, I didn?t get it. Having heard that the Matrix was a smooth sci-fi fusion of virtual reality, amazing martial arts effects, and philosophical undertones I took my girlfriend to see it at the local theater as soon as she was back from college. The special effects were truly breathtaking: I found myself dumbfounded at the first fight scene as the camera panned 180‚Â ° around a hovering Trinity before she delivered a lethal flying center kick to the police officer foolish enough to try to arrest her. I have to admit, though, that as the movie progressed I found myself struggling to keep up with the plot line. By the time the movie ended with Keanu Reeves? character ascending into the sky, I had that warm, fuzzy feeling that the protagonist had won out in the end?I just wasn?t sure why.English: User:Spencerian and close friend, dressed...It wasn?t until having watch ed the movie several times that I could appreciate its storyline, and then several more times that I could appreciate its complexity. Not only does the movie appeal to my enthusiasm for technology and my lust for martial arts acrobatics, it also appeals to my interest in early Western and postmodern thought and Christian theology. Apparently, according to box office numbers and the rise of Matrix ?web rings? and chat sites, I am not alone in my fondness of this movie.Since its debut in April of 1999, The Matrix has grossed over $171 million in the box office, putting it in the top 100 moneymaking films of all time. The movie has also drawn over $500 million in DVD sales, making it the most sought-after DVD video of 1999. Several ?web rings? have sprung up all over the...

How xanga influences communication Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

How xanga influences communication - Essay Example However, as in all forms of social activities, communication should be based on specific criteria trying to avoid the development of relationships that may hide a risk for people participated. Xanga is considered as one of the most important ‘online communities’ around the world. Its importance is based on the fact that its site is accessed by an extremely high number of visitors on a daily basis. Taking into account the aspects of communication as presented above, we could come to the result that Xanga leads to the development of specific communication schemes and in this way it influences communication in accordance with the preferences of the public but also personal attitudes as they are presented and analyzed through the community’s site. Communication is an issue that has been extensively examined in the literature especially the last years when human relationships face significant difficulties. In this context, the parameters of a ‘proactive’ communication have been analyzed in order to identify the main aspects of interaction between human behaviour and communication. One of the most important results of this effort has been the conclusion that effective communication cannot be achieved without the active involvement of all participants while personal attitudes have been found to have a catalytic role. Towards this direction Butterfield et al. (1997) examined a particular aspect of communication named ‘Communication Apprehension’ and its influence on a specific part of life, the healthy diet. The above study can be used as an indicative example of the importance of communication on all human activities regardless their social or political character. Indeed, Butterfield et al. (1997, 244) noticed that ‘Communication Apprehension does not influence health behaviours which do not require communication (with the possible exception of diet)

Alternative Energy Sources Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Alternative Energy Sources - Essay Example Additionally, consumption of oil as a source of energy is non-renewable, and results in environmental pollution. As such, leading economies in the world have been seeking to adopt alternative sources of energy and measures to conserve energy, though with minimal success (World Bank, 2010:190). This paper discusses three key barriers that impede the adoption of alternative energy sources and energy conservation. Three key barriers deter the adoption of alternative or renewable sources of energy: cost and pricing, market performance, and legal and regulatory (Martinot and Beck, 2004:13). Majority of these barriers are a form of market distortion that work to discriminate against alternative energy sources, while others result to high costs of developing and adopting alternative sources of energy. These barriers are situation-specific in any country or region. The first and most significant barrier category is pricing and cost. Alternative and renewable sources of energy cost more than the traditional oil, leading to policies and decisions that avoid alternative energy sources based on cost. The price comparison depends on an array of factors. For instance, there may be public subsidies that lower the costs of competing sources of energy. ... Therefore, the difference in subsidy provision may result to competitive disadvantage of an alternative energy source. Despite the fact that renewable energy sources may have significant cost-competitive advantages on the life-cycle basis, the high initial costs often mean that they provide lower installed capacity per initial dollar investment than conventional sources of energy. Thus, capital markets may require lending rates premium in order to provide finances for these alternative energy sources. Moreover, the alternative energy source faces high import duties and taxes. Consequently, this may result to high first-costs compared to other sources (Dell and Rand, 2004:240). Another significant factor is transaction costs. Alternative energy source projects are relatively smaller than those of conventional sources are, primarily because of their unfamiliarity or uncertainty in performance. Consequently, transaction costs for alternative energy sources, including assessment, permitt ing, power-purchase contract negotiations, and financing packages assembly, result to enormous per-kilowatt capacity basis than conventional energy sources. Higher transactional costs are not an economic distortion barrier, but rather another way of making alternative energy sources extremely expensive. The last notable sub-category is environmental externalities. The conventional energy sources have real costs on the society, including infrastructure decay, human health and, probably, climate change costs (Edenhofer, Madruga, ans Sokona, 2011:884). However, environmental externalities dollar costs are hard to evaluate, thus, subject to discretion and interpretation. Though economic comparisons

Summary of a Professional Ethics Article Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Summary of a Professional Ethics Article - Essay Example This is quite synonymous to the fact that every citizen can avail medical facilities when they require it. In the United States, there are several active private organizations that are providing legal services to the general public on a very low price. Their charges are not dependent on the market price. Government is also taking an active part in providing legal facilities to the citizens where they cannot afford one. In order to determine who provisions these legal services, the author has taken a few assumptions. One such assumption involves that the community has accepted an adversary system. The adversarial system involves having advocates from both parties and then having a judge or a jury decides what is right (Corrin,  2004, p.  3). It is assumed that the citizens will have 4 basic rights: Every citizen is entitled to log a complaint to a judge or a tribunal, once a complaint is logged, the other party has to come in front of the court and explain their actions, they have a right to unanimously agree on the decision the judge has made and if the complaining party wishes, they can have the decision implemented. Since the judge is only involved for the decision making process, it is also assumed that the parties will gather their evidences (Richards & Rathbun,  1999, p.  6). ... This system relies on both parties to unanimously agree with the decision placed by the judge and the judge to be impartial (Glendon, Wright-Carozza, & Picker,  2008, p.  101). Once the judicial system is setup, it is important to understand the need for the community to be well aware of their rights to avoid injustice. The citizens should be well equipped with knowledge to know the legal proceedings and understand what the results will be. In case the trial at hand is completely new and has complications, necessary legal advice needs to be provided to make the citizen aware of the possible outcomes of the legal proceedings. If we look at the other side of the coin, citizens might start exercising their rights for things that they were not aware of or did not care about earlier. To maintain a balance between both situations, community needs to be educated on their rights and should know when they can place an appeal in the court. The major drawback of this system arises due to ig norance of people who cannot effectively present their case (Hale,  2004, p.  31). This way the wrong party may win the case. So adversarial system may end up providing injustice and may be used as a tool to protect a specific group of people who can play around with the ignorance of other people. This may ignite them to try for justice outside the legal bounds. The judiciary that was not ready to protect the ignorant or non participant may now be readily protecting them. However, state is expected to be less biased in an adversarial system as the case is represented through attorneys from each side and are expected to be professional and loyal representatives. They are also given ample time to assess and then reassess all evidences gathered before they give their decision. So this

MIM and the Rise of Muslim Identity Politics

MIM and the Rise of Muslim Identity Politics Akshay Shetty The 2014 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly elections were perhaps one of the most interesting electoral experiments in recent history. The 15 year old Congress-NCP alliance and the 25 year old Shiv Sena-BJP alliance came to an end and the four parties contested elections on their own. While the results of the elections didnt come as a surprise to any of the four parties, the success of one party has attracted massive media attention, albeit alarmist. Making its debut in Maharashtra, the Hyderabad based All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) won 2 seats in the 288-member assembly, grabbing a 0.9% share of votes. Waris Pathan won the Byculla assembly seat by a narrow margin of 1,357 votes, beating rivals Madhu Chavan of the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) and Geeta Gawli of the Akhil Bharatiya Sena (ABS). However, MIM sprung a major surprise in the Aurangabad Central seat, where its candidate, former NDTV journalist Imtiaz Jaleel defeated sitting Shiv Sena MLA Pradeep Jaiswal by 19,982 votes. It also lost three seats by a narrow margin and finished third in nine constituencies. Overall, MIM polled over 5.13 lakh votes, even though it fielded, in many cases, political novices. The party also cut into the traditional vote banks of the Congress, the NCP and managed to wrest control of some areas where the BJP was believed to be strong. Buoyed by the victory, MIM president Asaduddin Owasi is planning to expand the party base in the state. The MIM has decided to contest all municipal elections in the state, including the BMC election in 2017 and the Aurangabad municipal election in 2015. It already has 13 corporators in the Nanded-Waghala Municipal Corporation. Plans are also afoot to expand in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Karnataka. The MIM’s victory can be attributed to two main factors, the division of votes in other parties and the polarization of the Muslim votes. With the BJP led by Narendra Modi sweeping to victory after winning elections across India, the delicate balance between the country’s religious and ethnic minorities, and especially its Muslims, and the majority Hindu population is shifting. MIM fed off the growing feeling of political disempowerment among Muslims and the disenchantment with the Congress, a party which traditionally received the bulk of the Muslim vote. The vitriolic speeches of the Owaisi brothers, with fervent appeals to Allah and claims of Muslim victimhood contributed to the polarization. Clips of Akbaruddin Owaisi were widely circulated on WhatsApp, and the Muslim youth who are wary of the hysteria surrounding Narendra Modi were attracted to them (Lokhande, 2014). Thus the MIM’s victory is a combined result of Muslims being fed up of the token secularism of the Congress and the indifference and alienation by the BJP. India’s Muslims are at crossroads today. Before delving into the politics of the MIM, it is important to understand the state of India’s largest minority community. India’s Muslims Muslims make up about 14.4 percent of India’s total population. However, according to a 2013 report by the Pew Research Center, the country maintains â€Å"the world’s second-largest Muslim population in raw numbers (roughly 176 million).†Often referred to as â€Å"the lost children of India’s partition† (Gayer Jaffrelot, 2012), Muslims who chose to stay in India have struggled to keep pace with the majority community. The Sachar Commission report (2006), ordered by the then prime minister Dr. Manmohan Singh showed Muslims to be stuck at the bottom of almost every economic or social indicator. They were poorly represented in public sector jobs, school and university places politics. Low literacy levels and low fertility were other major findings. India’s Muslims tend to be excluded from 3 sites of power within the state machinery: the judiciary, the administration and the police. In 2002, they represented only 6.26% of the 479 High Court judges in India, 2.95% of the 5,018 Indian Administrative Service officers and 4.02% of the 3,236 IPS officers. By contrast, according to a report in the Times of India, nearly 20% of India’s prisoners were Muslims. Experts believe that this trend is not because Muslims commit more crimes. Rather, it’s a product of economic and social deprivation. With no money for litigation and for getting bail, they end up languishing in jails for years. There have been several instances of false cases slapped against Muslims, especially after terror attacks and riots. Closer home, the Mahmoodur Rahman Committee appointed in 2008 by the Maharashtra government revealed the shocking social, economic and educational condition of Muslims in the state. Maharashtra has witnessed the highest number of Hindu-Muslim riots post-Independence. This has led to ghettoisation which has further contributed to their neglect. About 45% of Muslim households have a per capita income of less than Rs. 500 a month. About 58 % of urban Muslims live in slums. Muslims constitute only 8.1% of the state’s farmers, 44.4% of rural Muslims work as agricultural labourers, compared to 36.1% of Hindus. Only 4.4 % of Maharashtra’s Muslims work in the government services. In 2012, there was not a single Muslim in the entire cadre of the Indian Administrative Services. The committee also found that in the urban areas, bus stops are located at a 1.3 km distance from Muslim areas. Fearing a backlash from the state’s Muslims and the media, the government never tabled the report in the Assembly, though it was submitted in 2013. The above statistics paint a grim picture. However, this doesn’t suggest that Muslims haven’t progressed in independent India. In addition to being appointed to a number of top positions, Muslims in India â€Å"enjoy complete political and religious liberty, a free legislative environment to undertake economic and educational initiatives, a vibrant television media and cinema that teach liberal coexistence, and access to a vast number of universities and institutes of modern education† (Ahmad, 2014). However, the benefits of a democratic, secular and pluralistic polity haven’t trickled to the vast majority of the country’s Muslims. One of the main reasons for this has been their poor representation in our elective bodies. Muslim representation With every election, the position of Muslims has deteriorated. Muslims representation in the 16th Lok Sabha hit an all-time low of 22. For the first time in the history of Lok Sabha, not a single Muslim got elected from Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populated and electorally decisive state. Maharashtra’s Muslims too have been affected by the growing communal schism generated during the 1990’s. The number of Muslim MLAs in the recently elected Maharashtra Legislative Assembly has dropped to an abysmal nine. The state’s five main political parties put up only 45 Muslim candidates in the election. Out of the nine MLAs, eight have been elected from Muslim-dominated constituencies. Votes polled by Muslim candidates have been steadily falling since 1990. In 2009, while a non-Muslim candidate polled an average of 13,766 votes, a Muslim candidate attracted only 4,453 votes. This is the reason why most parties refuse tickets to Muslim candidates. No political party dares to put up a Muslim candidate unless the constituency has a substantial Muslim population. Even the avowed secular parties continue to succumb to communal consideration in the selection of their candidates. While it is not necessary that Muslims should be represented only by their co-religionists, electorally ignoring an important group is not good for the health of a nation. Representation gives a community a sense of belonging. Further, representation of multiple identities is the essence of modern democracy. During the first five decades after independence, the vast majority of Indian Muslims saw in the Congress their natural protector, for its commitment to secularism. However after the demise of Jawaharlal Nehru, the pluralism of the Congress soon started changing. Muslims’ faith in the Congress started eroding with the escalation of anti-Muslim violence and the political, social and economic marginalization of the community, sometimes at the hands of the Congress itself (such as during the Emergency). The party started milking the community for electoral gains, by conceding religious and cultural space to the Deobandi Ulemas. Banning Salman Rushdie’s novel Satanic Verses, overturning the Shah Bano judgment were among several of the party’s tropes which contributed to the disenchantment of moderate Muslims from the Congress. Muslim Identity Politics Despite the love lost with the Congress and other ‘secular’ parties, Indian Muslims have generally been reluctant to form their own political parties. However, in the last decade or so, a number of Muslim dominated political parties have emerged in India. The Peace Party was founded in Uttar Pradesh in 2008 by Mohamed Ayub. It won four seats in the 2012 Assembly elections and expanded its base in a number of states. The Kerala-based Indian Union Muslim League enjoys considerable popularity in the state. Maulana Badruddin Ajmal formed the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) in Assam after falling out with Congress leader Tarun Gogoi in Assam. It is now the main opposition party in the state. Other Muslim identity based parties include the Parcham Party, Rashtriya Ulama Council and Welfare Party. However, none of these parties could achieve any substantial success. The MIM and its history It is in this context that the rise of MIM in Maharashtra should be seen. The MIM was formally founded in 1927 â€Å"for educational and social uplift of Muslims†, however it first arose as a proto-Islamist movement to defend the Nizam’s autocracy through an armed militia called the Razakars. They unleashed brutal violence against Hindus, the communists and all those wished to merge Hyderabad with independent India. In 1948, the Indian government sent in the army to overpower the Razakars, an operation that left several thousands dead. Hyderabad was annexed to India and Kasim Rizvi, the Majlis leader was imprisoned and the organization banned. Rizvi was released about a decade later only on the condition that he would leave for Pakistan in 48 hours. Before leaving, Rizvi handed over the reins to Abdul Wahed Owaisi, the grandfather of Asaduduin Owaisi. Owaisi re-drafted the Majlis constitution in keeping with the provisions of the Indian Constitution and heralded a new age in the party’s history. Though MIM remained on the margins of Hyderabad’s politics for about fifteen years, the situation soon started changing in the 1970s. Under the new president Salahuddin Owaisi, the party made great inroads in the city. Votes polled by Majlis in the Hyderabad Lok Sabha seat rose from 58,000 in 1962 to over four lakhs in 1989. It also set up a number of educational institutions for Muslims in the city. Thus, a party that was a part of the Razakars has found acceptance in the very city that had celebrated its ouster. The mainstream media has reacted to MIM’s victory in Maharashtra with a sense of paranoia. There are fears that the party could accentuate communal differences in the state. Moderate Muslims accuse the MIM of milking the sufferings of Muslims, while not doing anything for the community’s development. Party MP Akbaruddin Owaisi is known for his vitriolic hate speeches instigating Muslims to stand up against Hindu violence. MIM’s politics represent a reactionary agenda that seeks to counter the violent communal politics of the right-wing Hindu parties. On the other hand, Muslims are also hopeful about the MIM as they feel it can better represent the community’s interests. MIM’s rise represents the failure of all ‘secular’ parties in checking atrocities against India’s minorities and preventing majoritarianism. Muslim youth who fail to see themselves as a part of the youth Narendra Modi keeps gloating about are attracted to the MIM and its aspirational politics which largely involves invoking a false pride of the â€Å"glorious history of Muslim rulers†. However, the same youth need to realize that the MIM has done nothing to defend the human rights of young Muslims who are falsely accused of being terrorists and who end up spending years in jails. MIM has never spoken out against radicals within the community; neither has it done anything to empower Muslim women. It wouldn’t be long before India’s Muslims see through the farce that the MIM represents and the process of disillusionment sets in. Problems with identity politics The deeply problematic nature of MIM’s politics still doesn’t justify the media’s sustained and critical coverage of its victory in Maharashtra. Identity politics is not a new phenomenon. India’s ruling party BJP has its roots in Hindu nationalism, the Akali Dal was formed to give a political voice to Sikh issues, the RPI and its more than 50 factions claim to represent Dalits. The UP-based Apna Dal enjoys a following among the Kurmi caste. The Shiv Sena and now the MNS have, from time to time, raised the bogie of the Marathi manoos for electoral gains. The media’s hypocrisy while reporting about these parties needs to be called out. Muslim identity politics is as dangerous as the identity politics of any other community. According to Irfan Engineer, director of the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, â€Å"Identity politics can be oppressive, hegemonic and exclusionary to strengthen hierarchies and hierarchical structures, to defend the privileges of the social, political and economic elite.† It is part of a larger trend of a greater assertiveness of identity in India. To counter this, it is important to strengthen the county’s secular and pluralistic ideals. Conclusion So what does that leave India’s Muslims with? They don’t need parties which essentialize their identity. Voting en bloc for hegemonic identity based parties isn’t going to yield any dividends. All they need is democratic representation of their interests. They need parties and candidates that stand for the values of equality, liberty and justice. MS Sathyu’s iconic film Garm Hava is perhaps the best film made on India’s partition. It shows Balraj Sahni’s family members leave for Pakistan, one after another, because of the increasing discrimination faced by them. In the end, Sahni and his son, Farooq Sheikh too decide to leave the country. On their way to the railway station, they come across a protest march by angry youth demanding jobs. Sheikh and, eventually, Sahni too join the march, thereby deciding to survive and succeed in his own homeland. An Urdu poem by Kaifi Azmi is heard in a voice-over as we see Sahni joining the protesters: â€Å"Jo door se toofan ka karte hain nazaara, unke liye toofan vahaan bhi hai yahan bhi, Dhaare mein jo mil jaaoge, ban jaaoge dhara, Ye vaqt ka elaan vahan bhi hai yahan bhi.† The scene is a poignant reminder for India’s Muslims that their future depends on engaging with politics of social justice and security rather than falling prey to leaders stoking their insecurities. Bibliography: Ahmad, T. (2014). Democracy and Indian Muslims. Daily Times. Retrieved 29 November 2014, from http://archives.dailytimes.com.pk/editorial/16-Mar-2013/comment-democracy-and-indian-muslims-tufail-ahmad Ananth, V., Gadgil, M. (2014). Religious polarization helps AIMIM debut in Maharashtra. Mint. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.livemint.com/Politics/FxsUExgM2i03mSOH6w3RmO/Religious-polarization-helps-AIMIM-debut-in-Maharashtra.html?utm_source=ref_article Ashraf, A. (2014). Hidden history of the Owaisis. Firstpost. Retrieved 28 November 2014, from http://www.firstpost.com/politics/hidden-history-owaisis-aimim-doesnt-want-know-1817267.html Bagri, N. (2014). Indian Muslims Lose Hope in National Secular Party. The New York Times. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/09/world/asia/indian-muslims-lose-hope-in-national-secular-party.html?_r=1 Engineer, I. (2014). Political Mobilisation of Muslims in India Changing Pattern. Secular Perspective, XVII (21). Gayer, L., Jaffrelot, C. (2012). Muslims in Indian cities. New Delhi: HarperCollins India. Ghosh, S. (1987). Muslim politics in India. New Delhi: Ashish Pub. House. Lokhande, D. (2014). Why we should be concerned about MIM victories in Maharashtra. DNA. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-why-we-should-be-concerned-about-mim-victories-in-maharashtra-2027543 Noorani, A. (2003). The Muslims of India. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Rahman, M. (2013). The Condition of Muslims in Maharashtra. Mumbai. Sachar, R. (2006). Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India. New Delhi. Shaikh, Z. (2014). Force behind MIM. The Indian Express. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/force-behind-mim/99/ Sharma, S. (2014). Behind the victory of a Muslim party in Maharashtra, the gamble of a journalist. Scroll. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://scroll.in/article/685327/Behind-the-victory-of-a-Muslim-party-in-Maharashtra,-the-gamble-of-a-journalist Shukla, A. (2014). Maharashtra polls: Opinions among Muslims on AIMIM pitch vary. DNA. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report-maharashtra-polls-opinions-among-muslims-on-aimim-pitch-vary-2018458 The Hindu : Holding them captive?. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.thehindu.com/thehindu/2003/04/27/stories/2003042700081500.htm Zakaria, R. (1995). The widening divide. New Delhi: New York, N.Y.

Yanomamo Essay -- Anthropology

Yanomamo The Yanomamo are a tribe of twenty thousand who live in about two hundred and fifty widely dispersed villages in Brazil and Venezuela. It was first thought that the Yanomamo were a group of hunter-gatherers, but contrary to that thought they actually cultivate their own crops for food. They also hunt and forage, but only as needed. While the Yanomamo travel for several weeks when the jungle fruits and vegetables are ripe, they are a tribal society settled in villages, which break into small groups to go off on collecting expeditions. During such expeditions, game such as wild pigs, large and small birds, monkeys, deer, rodents, and anteaters, are hunted. The bulk of the Yanomamo food, more than eighty percent, is grown in their village gardens. The size of the garden is dictated by the size of the family it must feed. Because village headmen will have the responsibility of entertaining visitors and sponsoring feasts, they plant and care for larger plots. Plantain is their most important domesticated crop. Manioc, taro, and sweet potatoes are also cultivated along with cane, used for arrow manufacture, and tobacco, a crop of central importance. All women, men, and children chew tobacco daily and guard it jealously. The Yanomamo word for being poor is literally translated as without tobacco. Cotton is al so grown in the village gardens to provide the materials for hammocks and clothes. The Yanomamo envision the universe as having four layers hovering at...